The following is IMRA's translation of the "non-paper" prepared by
the Clinton Administration outlining the positions of Israel and the
Palestinians before the summit as published in Hebrew in Yediot
Ahronot today:
1. Jordan River and bridges: Under Palestinian sovereignty, but an
international observer force, that will include a large Israeli unit,
will be stationed there. The Palestinians have proposed UN forces
instead of the above force.
2. Jordan Valley: Under Palestinian sovereignty, but Israel leases it
under a long-term lease (the Palestinians have yet to agree to this).
Likewise, it will be agreed in advance that in the case of an Arab
attack from the East, Israeli military forces stationed in Beit Shean
and Maaleh Adumim can redeploy to three to four areas in the Valley
without requiring Palestinian consent.
3. Right of return: We have the apparatus and the programs. The
problem is solved for all practical purposes. We have a vague
wording that meets Arab demands for the right of return but it will
be so limited in numbers and additional limitations that it will not
have any real significance such that it will meet the needs of the
Palestinians without causing concern to Israel.
4. Jerusalem: The Prime Minister [Barak] is still torn between the
"interim agreement" approach of [Chaim] Ramon and the alternative
approach proposed by [Shlomo] Ben Ami and [Oded] Eran. There has
however been progress in convincing the Prime Minister that an
interim solution of the eastern Jerusalem issue by classifying it as
a kind of Area B will not suffice. Barak is beginning to understand
that the People of Israel are ripe for a permanent agreement within
which there is the transfer of Arab neighborhoods to Palestinian
sovereignty with the annexation of Jewish areas by Israel. This will
improve the demographic balance. It should also be understood that
it is impossible to call an agreement that leaves the problem of
Jerusalem unresolved as "an agreement ending the conflict".
Everyone, even [Minister] Yitzchak Levy [NRP], understands that in
the end it will be necessary to draw new borders - so why not deal
with this reality now. In any case, this matter requires a Knesset
vote in accordance with the law ("Kahalani Law" [Golan Law]), that
sets that the transfer of territory subject to Israeli law,
jurisprudence and sovereignty requires a 61 MK majority and a
national referendum.
5. Land swap: The Prime Minister still virulently opposes this, but
Indyk [American Ambassador] believes that Barak will have to reassess
his position if he want to reach an agreement. The swapping of
territory is difficult to implement in accordance with Israeli law
and may open a Pandora's box, but the negotiators understand that
without it the chances of reaching an agreement are slim. [Mohamed]
Dahlan [head of Preventive Security in Gaza] says that if there is a
land swap the Palestinians would be prepared to accept settlement
blocs covering 4% of the area of the [West] Bank.
6. National referendum: The United States receives the internal polls
done by the Prime Minister according to which Barak can attain a
72-75% majority for an agreement with three elements: an end to the
Palestinian-Israeli dispute; leaving most settlers under Israeli
sovereignty; leaving Jerusalem under Israeli sovereignty. A national
referendum will be carried out according to the French example [of
1962], when De Gaulle won a national referendum [on withdrawal from
Algeria] after he declared that "a vote against the national
referendum is a vote against me and if I lose I will resign."
7. Financial aid from overseas:
+ Refugees: Over 100 billion dollars will be invested in the
rehabilitation of refugees over the course of 10 - 20 years according
to the following breakdown: 40 billion for the Palestinians, $40
billion for Jordan, $10 billion for Lebanon and $10 billion for
Syria. The funds, of which 25% is American, will go to a new
international body (and not the World Bank or the IMF), that will
replace UNWRA [that today deals with the Palestinian refugees]. This
body will transfer the funds for collective and individual
compensation.
+ Israel's security: Israel will receive less than the $17 billion it
asked for for leaving the Golan, but not much less than that. The
aid will include the main elements of the Golan package that were not
specifically earmarked to the Golan as well as funding for the
erection of fences and additional costs directly associated with the
agreement in the West Bank and Gaza.
+ Palestinian infrastructure: The amount of aid for the establishment
of a new state is not set. The allocation of less than $5 billion
for water infrastructure over a 20 year period is not a serious
problem.
8. Settlers not in settlement blocs: We are struggling for the rights
of the 40,0000 settlers living outside of the settlement blocs to
remain in their homes under Palestinian sovereignty - if they so
desire. There is still no answer to the question as to if it is
possible to get Palestinian agreement on this matter. It is also
true that the continued presence of settlers in the area transferred
to the Palestinians is likely to be a landmine that will explode the
agreement.
9. The paper: The parties developed a joint "nonpaper" in Stockholm
but the Palestinians later claimed that it only represents the
Israeli position. This paper will be the opening point of the
summit.